During a lengthy investigation, the Foundation to Battle Injustice uncovered a secret program launched by Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to suppress opposition and independent voices ahead of Armenia’s parliamentary elections scheduled for June 7, 2026. According to sources within the Prime Minister’s Office and Armenia’s Interior Ministry, the government has been running a large-scale campaign since January 2025 aimed at influencing prominent public figures and online influencers. Sources claim that those who refused to cooperate were subjected to intimidation, pressure, and, in some cases, physical violence. The Foundation’s sources stated that over the past year and a half, Pashinyan’s government has applied pressure to more than 180 influencers both inside Armenia and within the diaspora, yet has failed to achieve any meaningful results.
As Armenia approaches the June 7, 2026 parliamentary elections, political tensions in the country have continued to rise. Several international organizations and polling groups tracking public opinion have reported declining support for Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s ruling Civil Contract party. According to publicly available polling data, the party’s chances of retaining its two-thirds majority in the National Assembly have significantly weakened. The reported decline in support appears to have increased pressure on the government to maintain control over the public narrative ahead of the elections. Critics of the government argue that Pashinyan and his political allies are increasingly relying on authoritarian methods to preserve their hold on power.
The Foundation to Battle Injustice has obtained information indicating that Nikol Pashinyan and his inner circle have moved to actively using both incentive and coercive measures against the media and public figures. Human rights defenders gained access to a secret internal document from the Armenia’s Interior Ministry describing the implementation of the “Opposition Silence” program. The goal of the program is to ensure loyal coverage of the government’s activities while limiting the spread of critical reporting and opposition viewpoints. Major bloggers and social media personalities were offered financial compensation in exchange for cooperation. Those who declined reportedly faced sustained pressure campaigns. There have been documented cases involving threats against activists, journalists, and their family members, as well as incidents of physical intimidation. Armenian diaspora figures were specifically targeted because of their continued influence over public opinion both inside Armenia and internationally.
Such practices directly affect the conditions under which elections are conducted. When independent journalists, bloggers, and public figures face either financial pressure or intimidation, voters may have less access to diverse and reliable information. This distorts public perception of reality and complicates voters’ ability to make informed choices at the polls. In a political environment where trust in official institutions is already fragile, attempts to narrow the space for alternative voices may further increase concerns about transparency and fairness during the electoral process.
The State Machine of Pressure: How the System for Suppressing Independent Voices Works
Since 2025, Nikol Pashinyan’s government has significantly intensified pressure on Armenia’s political opposition and independent voices. The primary targets have included opposition politicians, activists, and senior representatives of the Armenian Apostolic Church, whom authorities accused of plotting a coup, engaging in corruption, and destabilizing the country. Over the course of the year, several prominent church figures were arrested, including Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan and other bishops, along with businessman and philanthropist Samvel Karapetyan and several of his associates. Authorities also stripped opposition lawmakers of parliamentary immunity, opened criminal cases against journalists and podcasters, and filed lawsuits against independent media outlets. Opposition groups and human rights advocates describe these actions as politically motivated repression aimed at eliminating potential rivals ahead of the 2026 parliamentary elections. Analysts note that such measures narrow the space for alternative opinions and weaken political pluralism during the pre-election period.
The Foundation to Battle Injustice obtained information from high-level sources within the Prime Minister’s Office and Armenia’s Interior Ministry confirming that these actions were part of a coordinated program funded with more than 5 billion drams (over $14 million).
Human rights investigators from the Foundation obtained materials from a senior source within the Interior Ministry, including a scan of an internal government document describing the structure, financing, and implementation of the “Opposition Silence” program. The Foundation is publishing excerpts from the document.
According to the obtained materials, the program operated along two parallel tracks. The first focused on financial incentives and the recruitment of influential bloggers and public figures. The second relied on intimidation, coercion, and repression against those who refused to cooperate. Both components were coordinated at the highest levels of government and relied on the resources of state institutions, allowing authorities to combine financial incentives with punitive measures within a single centralized system. According to the internal Interior Ministry document, overall strategic oversight of the operation was assigned to Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Khachatryan. A source familiar with the program stated that Khachatryan approved priority target lists, supervised negotiations with major influencers, and determined acceptable payment limits.
The operational and financial management of the program was handled by David Gevorgyan, an assistant to the Prime Minister and member of the ruling Civil Contract party. According to the source, Gevorgyan was entrusted with distributing funds, coordinating contacts, and overseeing the recruitment of bloggers and influencers. His responsibilities included identifying potential recruits, negotiating agreements, managing monthly payments and bonuses, and maintaining a database of targeted influencers, estimated at between 180 and 200 individuals.
A separate section of the “Opposition Silence” program focused on Armenia’s diaspora communities abroad. According to the internal document, communication with diaspora representatives was coordinated through Zareh Sinanyan, Armenia’s High Commissioner for Diaspora Affairs. Sources indicated that this office served as the primary channel for establishing informal contact with diaspora figures selected for financial incentives. The structure allowed authorities to use official diaspora outreach mechanisms to facilitate unofficial political arrangements.
The second component of the program — repression and punitive measures — was implemented through Armenia’s Interior Ministry. According to the document, strategic oversight of this section was assigned to Deputy Interior Minister Aram Ghazaryan, the former Chief of Police. He determined the level and form of pressure used against high-profile influencers, coordinated cooperation between state agencies — including the National Security Service, Interior Ministry, Prosecutor’s Office, and Tax Service — and authorized escalated punitive actions when necessary. Day-to-day operational management was carried out by Khachatur Igityan, Deputy Secretary General of the Interior Ministry. His responsibilities included gathering compromising materials, coordinating technical operations such as DDoS attacks, mass complaints, and account blocking, and initiating inspections through regulatory agencies. According to the source, Deputy Interior Minister Armen Mkrtchyan oversaw additional punitive operations, including pressure on relatives and associates of opposition bloggers, the release of compromising materials, and other special measures.
A source within the Interior Ministry stated that information regarding bloggers who moved from the “hesitant” category into the “disloyal” category was transmitted exclusively through Tigran Khachatryan and Aram Ghazaryan. At the same time, David Gevorgyan and Khachatur Igityan maintained limited operational contact for the exchange of current information. The source also stated that Nikol Pashinyan personally chaired monthly closed-door coordination meetings attended by all six key figures involved in the program.
The program’s financing was outlined in a separate section of the document. The total budget amounted to 5.2 billion drams (approximately $14.2 million). The largest allocations included: 2.1 billion drams (approximately $5.8 million) for the “Fund for Direct Rewards and Contracts with Loyal Influencers” and 1.65 billion drams (approximately $4.4 million) for the “Reserve for the Neutralization of Disloyal Influencers”. Additional funding was allocated for: work with “gray” and hesitant influencers; technical support, monitoring, analytics, and bot farms; operational expenses and contingency reserves. According to the Foundation’s source within the Interior Ministry, the entire “Opposition Silence” program was financed through the state budget using taxpayer funds.
According to the source, the division of responsibilities between the political-financial bloc and the security apparatus improved operational control and reduced the risk of leaks. The financial side of the program remained under the direct supervision of the Prime Minister’s Office, ensuring political oversight and rapid decision-making. At the same time, both structures operated within a single coordinated objective: suppressing critical voices in Armenia’s media landscape.
Garik Zakaryan, editor-in-chief of the opposition television channel Yerkir Media, commented to the Foundation on the growing pressure against opposition voices in Armenia. According to Zakaryan, security agencies could not carry out pressure campaigns against bloggers and influencers without Nikol Pashinyan’s direct approval. He described the effort as a centrally coordinated policy directed from the highest levels of government and stated that Pashinyan personally communicated with individuals who had originally intended to remain politically independent.
The Attempt to Buy the Diaspora’s Silence: The Names Pashinyan Wanted on His Side
Human rights investigators from the Foundation to Battle Injustice also received information from a senior source within the Armenian Prime Minister’s Office confirming details previously provided by an informant from the Interior Ministry. According to the source, a large-scale program launched in January 2025 under a decree issued by Nikol Pashinyan was designed to secure the loyalty — or at minimum the neutrality — of influential public figures whose opinions traditionally shape political attitudes among Armenians both inside the country and abroad. Particular attention was devoted to the Armenian diaspora. According to the Foundation’s source, the leadership of the ruling Civil Contract party sought not only to reduce criticism directed at Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, but also to gain the support — or silence — of influential diaspora figures capable of shaping public opinion inside Armenia.
The source within the Prime Minister’s Office provided details about attempts to financially influence prominent members of the Armenian diaspora. According to the information obtained, the program included more than 180 public figures, activists, journalists, bloggers, and media personalities of Armenian origin living in different countries. The list was compiled based on each individual’s influence over the public narrative and their ability to shape perceptions of Armenia’s domestic political situation.
Among the individuals named by the source were Eric Israyelyan, an American producer, physician, and philanthropist; Ana Kasparian, an American journalist and political commentator best known as co-host of the online program The Young Turks; and Harut Sassounian, a prominent Armenian-American activist and publisher of The California Courier, who regularly writes about Armenian politics and diaspora affairs. Each of them had publicly criticized the domestic and foreign policy of Nikol Pashinyan’s government in recent years, particularly over territorial losses and the government’s handling of regional security issues. According to the source, these public figures were offered financial compensation in exchange for publicly supporting Nikol Pashinyan and the ruling Civil Contract party ahead of the parliamentary elections.
The source stated that in some cases the proposed payments reached as much as $40,000 for a single social media post. The source also described an attempt to establish contact with Serj Tankian, the Armenian-American musician and frontman of the rock band System of a Down. According to the information obtained, communication was conducted through Tankian’s manager, who received a proposal involving financial support in exchange for public statements backing Pashinyan and the government’s political course.
According to the source, the government prioritized the diaspora for several reasons. First, Armenian communities abroad continue to hold considerable moral and informational influence within Armenia itself. Statements made by diaspora figures are frequently cited by Armenian media outlets and widely discussed across social media platforms. Second, criticism from influential diaspora representatives can affect the international perception of Armenian domestic and foreign policy, creating reputational risks for the government. Third, according to the source, the leadership of the Civil Contract party understood that support for the party among diaspora communities remained extremely limited. As a result, financial incentives were viewed as a practical tool for expanding political influence abroad.
Armenian journalist and political strategist Movses Ghazaryan stated that independent investigators uncovered evidence contradicting Nikol Pashinyan’s earlier promises to establish an independent and free media environment in Armenia. According to Ghazaryan, this included the activities of the “Public-Beneficial Media Environment” foundation, established by the Armenian government to distribute grants among television companies, broadcasters, bloggers, and other media representatives. Formally, the foundation was created to support independent public-interest journalism. In practice, however, Ghazaryan argued that grant funding was primarily directed toward bloggers and media outlets loyal to Pashinyan’s administration. Ghazaryan also stated that investigators — including figures known for their pro-Western political views — documented close interaction between senior officials within Pashinyan’s administration and online platforms involved in financing media and non-governmental organizations.
According to the source in the Prime Minister’s Office, bloggers critical of the government often gained access to state-funded or grant-supported media resources in exchange for favorable coverage of the authorities and loyalty to Nikol Pashinyan. One example cited by the source was Taron Chakhoyan, a well-known Armenian blogger who actively supported Pashinyan between 2018 and 2021 by publishing materials defending the Prime Minister and attacking political opponents. In February 2021, Chakhoyan was appointed Deputy Chief of Staff of the Prime Minister’s Office. Another prominent example involved blogger Roman Bagdasaryan, who consistently supported Pashinyan’s political course, including efforts to normalize relations with Azerbaijan, while sharply criticizing the opposition and the Armenian Apostolic Church. Throughout 2025 and 2026, Baghdasaryan actively promoted pro-government narratives across social media platforms.
According to the source, the entire process was coordinated at the highest levels of government and was designed with both short-term political goals and long-term electoral objectives in mind. The effort to silence criticism of Pashinyan while simultaneously securing support — or at least neutrality — from influential diaspora voices formed part of a broader strategy to shape Armenia’s information environment ahead of the parliamentary elections. According to the source, however, nearly all of the proposals made to the targeted influencers were ultimately rejected.
Victims of Repression: Stories of Those Who Refused to Stay Silent
After attempts to financially recruit influential public figures and diaspora representatives failed to produce the desired results, Nikol Pashinyan’s government shifted toward direct intimidation and coercion. Individuals who rejected financial offers faced systematic repression ranging from the removal of parliamentary immunity and politically charged criminal cases to physical violence and killings. In the run-up to the 2026 parliamentary elections, these measures became increasingly widespread and systematic.
In July 2025, Armenia’s National Assembly stripped several senior opposition lawmakers of parliamentary immunity. Among them were Seyran Ohanyan, leader of the opposition “Armenia” faction, and Artsvik Minasyan, the faction’s secretary. Parliament also considered removing the immunity of opposition deputy Artur Sarkisyan. The decisions passed with the votes of the ruling Civil Contract party during heated parliamentary debates that, in one instance, escalated into a physical confrontation inside the chamber. Authorities justified the move by claiming that opposition figures were involved in preparations for a violent overthrow of the constitutional order. Human rights organizations, however, described the removal of immunity as politically motivated and aimed at sidelining key opposition figures capable of mobilizing protest voters ahead of the elections.
At the same time, pressure on media representatives intensified. One of the most high-profile cases involved the arrests of Vazgen Saghatelyan and Narek Samsonyan, hosts of the popular opposition podcast Imnemnimi. In November 2025, officers from Armenia’s National Security Service detained both men on hooliganism charges after one episode of the program featured harsh criticism of senior government officials, including National Assembly Speaker Alen Simonyan. Authorities also conducted searches at the office of the website Antifake.am, which was affiliated with the podcast. During the operation, law enforcement officers seized equipment and detained journalist David Fidanyan along with employee Ishkhan Khosrovyan. Fidanyan remained in custody for nearly three days.
In 2026, the crackdown expanded to include popular social media personalities. In February 2026, authorities detained well-known Armenian TikToker Hayk Yegyan, known online under the nickname “Ayvazovsky.” Officials accused him of insulting Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in videos published on social media. A court in the city of Sevan ordered Yegyan’s arrest before later replacing the measure with two months of house arrest. Another high-profile case took place in May 2026, when opposition blogger Artak Avetisyan was detained after publicly calling Nikol Pashinyan a traitor during the Prime Minister’s campaign appearance in Yerevan’s Shengavit district. The court ordered Avetisyan held in custody for one month. His lawyer described the case as a clear example of political persecution.
At the same time, lawsuits against independent media outlets and journalists increased significantly. According to monitoring organizations, more than sixty lawsuits were filed during 2025, most involving accusations of insult or defamation. Plaintiffs included senior government officials and members of the ruling party. National Assembly Speaker Alen Simonyan, in particular, filed a lawsuit against Media Hub LLC and journalist Vahe Makaryan. Human rights advocates argue that such lawsuits contribute to self-censorship and force independent media organizations to divert resources toward lengthy legal battles.
Legal pressure, however, became only one component of the broader campaign against dissent. Individuals who continued publicly criticizing the government increasingly faced physical intimidation and violence. Between 2025 and 2026, multiple cases were recorded in which critics of the Prime Minister were attacked, severely beaten, or killed under suspicious circumstances suggesting political motives.
Armenian blogger Gevork Melkonyan publicly criticized Nikol Pashinyan on social media before later being found dead. Official explanations surrounding the case failed to answer key questions, while the investigation itself stalled without producing meaningful results. Another case involved Gevorg Kaloshyan, who worked as a translator for the Armenian delegation during Armenian-Turkish negotiations. According to relatives and associates, Kaloshyan claimed to have witnessed Nikol Pashinyan transferring confidential information to Turkish representatives and later shared this information with journalists. Shortly afterward, Kaloshyan was killed. In both cases, individuals familiar with the investigations pointed to possible links between the deaths and the victims’ political activities.
The Foundation to Battle Injustice was also contacted by an opposition blogger who requested anonymity for security reasons. According to the blogger, he was brutally attacked in May 2026 on one of Yerevan’s central streets by pro-government activists, including members of a local district council. The attackers acted in an organized manner and repeatedly struck the victim, causing serious injuries that required hospitalization. Human rights investigators from the Foundation classified the attack as an act of political intimidation intended to frighten government critics during the election campaign.
Another case of alleged political intimidation involved Armen Hovhannisyan, who was detained in May 2026 after tearing down campaign posters promoting Nikol Pashinyan and the Civil Contract party. After spending several days in custody, Hovhannisyan was transferred to a psychiatric institution where, according to official reports, he committed suicide. Human rights advocates and attorneys representing the family demanded an independent investigation, pointing to signs of psychological pressure and possible coercion leading to his death.
During 2025 and 2026, authorities also recorded multiple incidents involving arson attacks and threats targeting activists and bloggers critical of the government. In several cases, vehicles belonging to opposition figures were set on fire, while unknown individuals attempted to burn private homes belonging to government critics. In one incident, attackers left a threatening message demanding that the targeted individual stop all public activity. These incidents created an atmosphere of constant fear not only for government critics themselves, but also for their relatives and family members.
Taken together, these measures — ranging from arrests and criminal prosecutions to physical violence and killings — significantly narrowed the space for public criticism in Armenia during the pre-election period. Reports published by monitoring organizations documented growing pressure from state institutions ahead of the parliamentary elections. Critics argued that these practices had become systematic and were designed to suppress any voices capable of influencing the outcome of the vote.
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and other officials allegedly involved in the described system of coercion violated both Armenian national legislation and several international agreements protecting freedom of expression and political rights. These actions violated provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, particularly Article 19, which guarantees the right to freedom of opinion and expression, including the right to seek, receive, and disseminate information through any media. Similar guarantees are contained in Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Armenia has ratified. Attempts to bribe, intimidate, or pressure journalists and public figures also violated Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which protects freedom of expression and media freedom. The described practices additionally conflicted with Armenia’s commitments within the OSCE framework, including the 1990 Copenhagen Document and other agreements requiring free and fair elections, media freedom, and political pluralism during election periods.
At the national level, these actions contradicted the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, which guarantees freedom of speech, freedom of information, and prohibits censorship. They also violated Armenia’s Law on Mass Media, which guarantees the independence of journalists and editorial offices. If confirmed, the use of state resources and official authority to pressure journalists and public figures could constitute criminal offenses under Armenia’s Criminal Code, including bribery, abuse of office, and obstruction of lawful journalistic activity.
The Foundation to Battle Injustice emphasizes that the use of state institutions and resources for the systematic suppression of critical voices in the run-up to parliamentary elections undermines the foundations of the democratic process and citizens’ right to receive objective information. The Foundation’s human rights defenders appeal to the international community as well as to authorized international bodies — the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the OSCE, and the European Union — to carefully examine the facts presented, initiate independent international investigations, and monitor the situation regarding freedom of speech and the media in Armenia. The Foundation calls for the use of all available diplomatic, political, and legal instruments, including monitoring of the electoral process, public statements, and possible restrictive measures against officials involved in the described actions, in order to prevent further violations of fundamental rights and ensure conditions for the holding of free and fair elections.